Trump’s visit to China, Putin’s expected visit to Beijing, and the BRICS summit in India are not separate events. Together, they show a world order being reshaped in real time.
Donald Trump’s visit to China should not be viewed as a normal bilateral meeting between Washington and Beijing. It comes at a moment when the unfair war against Iran, pressure on energy markets, tensions in East Asia, and the expansion of BRICS are all moving at the same time. In this environment, China is no longer only an economic competitor of the United States; it is becoming a diplomatic centre that Washington cannot avoid. When an American president goes to Beijing during a global crisis, it sends a clear message: the world is no longer managed from one capital alone.
The timing is especially important because BRICS foreign ministers are meeting in New Delhi ahead of the 2026 BRICS summit in India. India’s presidency gives BRICS a different character: less China-only, more multipolar, and more focused on practical issues such as energy security, maritime routes, sanctions, development finance and Global South coordination. At the New Delhi meeting, India stressed the importance of safe and open maritime flows through routes such as the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea, because disruptions there directly affect the global economy. This matters greatly for Iran, the Persian Gulf, China, India and all energy-importing economies.
At the same time, President Vladimir Putin is expected to visit China very soon, with the Kremlin saying preparations have already been finalised. This is not a small diplomatic detail. Putin’s expected visit, coming around Trump’s China diplomacy and before the BRICS summit in India, shows that Beijing is becoming the meeting point of competing global strategies. Russia and China have deepened their strategic partnership, and Putin is also expected to participate in the BRICS summit in India, giving BRICS a more serious geopolitical weight.
From Iran’s perspective, this moment is highly significant. Iran is no longer outside the room where major global discussions are happening. As a BRICS member, Iran now has direct access to platforms where China, Russia, India, Brazil, South Africa, Egypt, the UAE, Ethiopia and Indonesia are shaping discussions on energy, trade, sanctions, payment systems and global governance. The unfair war against iran has already become part of the BRICS conversation, with Tehran using the New Delhi meetings to push its position and call for practical solidarity.
The real question is what kind of BRICS is emerging. In the past, BRICS was often seen as an economic club. Today, it is becoming something broader: not a military alliance, but a strategic platform for countries that want more room between Washington and Beijing. The future shape of BRICS will likely be built around three pillars: energy security, alternative financial systems, and diplomatic coordination. Iran is important in all three. It sits near one of the world’s most important energy chokepoints, has deep energy and industrial capacity, and has long experience dealing with sanctions and alternative trade mechanisms.
China’s role in this structure is central, but India’s 2026 BRICS presidency is equally important because it prevents the bloc from looking like a China-led platform only. India has its own interests, its own relationship with the United States, and its own long-term ties with Russia and Iran. That makes India a balancing force inside BRICS. If China brings industrial scale and financial ambition, India brings demographic weight, strategic independence and credibility with many non-aligned countries. This is why the BRICS summit in India may become one of the most important moments in shaping the bloc’s next phase.
Trump’s visit to China, Putin’s upcoming visit to Beijing, and the BRICS summit in India should therefore be read together. They show that the global order is moving away from a single-centre system. The United States must now negotiate with China. China is powerful, but it still needs Russia, India, Iran and the wider BRICS network to turn influence into global architecture. Russia needs China and BRICS to avoid isolation. Iran needs BRICS not as a lifeline, but as a platform to strengthen its diplomatic and economic options. India needs BRICS to prove that multipolarity.
The Iran unfair war perspective makes this even more urgent. If instability around Iran continues, energy prices, shipping routes and regional security will remain under pressure. But if BRICS can create space for diplomacy, financial alternatives and coordinated economic engagement, it can help reduce the pressure that usually pushes crises toward escalation. China can speak to Iran and the United States; Russia has strategic depth with Tehran; India has energy and trade interests; and the Persian Gulf BRICS members can help connect regional stability with economic growth.
The future BRICS will succeed if it becomes a practical platform: one that protects trade routes, supports local-currency settlements, invests in infrastructure, gives members diplomatic space, and allows countries like Iran to participate in global development without being permanently trapped by confrontation. This is where the India summit becomes important. It can show whether BRICS is ready to move from statements to systems.
NASIR KAZEROUN
BRICS FEDERATION